Australia Donna

Italo-Australian women’s histories in Australia have been erased from the public domain. On the few occasions when they are included, they are seen as very few and are positioned within ahistorical, domestic, religious and, to a limited extent work settings defined as non-political and therefore not worth narrating. In this paper, I will question established normative historical narratives through the examination of untold counter-histories on Italo-Australian women. I examine the role of women in the Fascio Femminile in Sydney from the mid-1930s to the beginning of War World 2 (WW2) and especially their attempts to create and affirm a fascist culture in the Italian community. I will examine the role of the Fascio Femminile as being affected and connected to events in the Fasci Femminili in Italy and to the international and local branches on the National Fascist Party (PNF). For ethical reasons, the names of women used in this article are pseudonyms except in cases where they are directly quoted from published texts.

Since the mid-twenties, the Fascist Regime in Italy had attempted to oversee the development of Italian fascists groups overseas. The Secretariat General in Rome appointed politically active Italian Vice-Consuls in the city of Perth, Sydney, Brisbane and Townsville to oversee the formation of branches of the National Fascist Party (PNF) and to recruit Italians living in Australia. The Fascio of Sydney was established in 1927 and was called the Luigi Platania, after a Fascist martyr and was one of the ten Fasci in Australia, the other nine were as follows:

In April 1926, in accordance with the structures of the Fasci in Italy, the Secretariat-General of Fasci Abroad called for the formation of women’s branches of the National Fascist Party (PNF) in Australia and stated that the:

greatest impetus possible must be given to the Women’s Fascio as the woman in certain spheres could do extremely useful and profitable work, and it is necessary to make use of such work to the greatest possible extent. [2]

It is important to state that it is still unclear how these directives came to operate in Australia or what and how connecting historical formations came to affect the development of the Fasci Femminile overseas. I argue that to present their establishment as it was solely initiated by the General Secretary of the Fasci Abroad is to re-affirm hegemonic narratives which have constructed Italo-Australian women as ahistorical figures and passive in relation to cultural initiation. I ask if this formation was linked to transnational discourses associated with members of the Women’s Fascio in Italy? Or was this connected to local formations associated with Italo-Australian women’s organisations? Or was this simply a project of the Italo-Australian male fascist leadership? As I will demonstrate the formation of the Women’s Fascio was connected to all of these historical formations and the General Secretary of the Fasci Abroad may have approved but not necessarily initiated its establishment.

From the very outset, there was a strong link between the Fasci Femminili and the PNF of both Italy and Australia. The Fasci Femminili were under the folio of the local Secretary of the PNF but its activities were also directed by the Italian PNF through the Secretariat-General of the Fasci Abroad in Rome. The Secretary of the local PNF nominated the directress or leader of the women’s Fascio, but this had to be approved by Rome which ran security checks on the political and legal status of the women and their families. Members of the Fasci Femminili were recruited by members of the group and by the local PNF but again their membership was subject to approval from the Fasci Abroad in Rome. Thus reiterating the links between the local and transnational branches of the PNF and the Fasci Femminili in Australia.

The Fasci Femminili nevertheless, was governed by a Statute of the Fasci Abroad and by a Statute of its own that formally linked it with the Fascio in Italy and Australia. This declared that:

Art.1- In every Fascio there should be a female Fascio. The female Fascio accepts the programme and discipline of the Italian Fasci Abroad.

Art.2- The essential duties of the Fascist ladies are to assist the relief works of the fascio.

Art.3-All Ladies by birth or nationality are Italian, of excellent morals and conduct, who have already completed their eighteenth year may become members of the Female Fascio.

Art.4-The female fascio is directly dependent on the Secretary of Fascio, who will be assisted by a Directress selected by him.

Art.5-The female Fascists who render themselves unworthy to belong to the Fascio through lack of discipline, or moral reasons will, according to the seriousness of their offence undergo “deploration” or “suspension” or withdrawal of the tessera or expulsion. The procedure to be followed for disciplinary punishment is that fixed by articles 10 and 11 of Statute of the Fasci Abroad.

Art.6- The provisions contained in Art.8 of the statute of the Fasci Abroad will apply with regard to tessere and badges.

The Directress of the Female Fascio as of right will take part in all meetings of the Directorate of the Fascio in which questions dealing with the Female Fascio are dealt with.[3]

These regulations represented the office of the Italian Fasci Abroad and the local PNF as being closely connected to the activities of the women’s branches through their appointment of the leadership and through direct intervention in their programmes. In this sense, these rules represent women as acting on an already established fascist agenda. They are followers rather than the creators of fascist credo. It is difficult to state how women responded to these constructions, however, my observations will argue that these women created Fascist culture and did not merely follow it.

In 1927, the Fasci Femminili were established in Sydney under the leadership of Caterina Stassi and of Mrs Fornari in Melbourne. In 1928 In South Australia, we see the emergence of the Adelaide women’s branch lead by Vincenza Amerio and in 1929 the Port Pirie branch directed by Francesca Caputo. In 1934 in Fremantle Mrs Funazzi also operated as the Directress of the Fascio, and a Perth Fascio under the direction of Mrs Sertorio and Mrs Anna Mevio. Country sections were established at Wiluna and Gwalia under the direction of Mrs Nina Gregorini and Mrs Aurelia Bonomi.[4]; [5]

4-encourage the maintenance of the 'Italianita' of the immigrants and their children

The extent and how each purpose was fulfilled varied from branch to branch, in this paper I will discuss the activities of the Sydney’s Fascio Femminile

Members of the Women’s Fascio were also operating in various ladies’ committee of local regional clubs and cultural and charitable organisations. At this stage of my research it is difficult to ascertain the aims of these various women’s groups , nevertheless, some of them were operating in line with the demands of the Secretariat General in Rome. For example, in 1933, at the eve of Italian occupation of Ethiopia, or as it was called at the time Abyssinia, the Secretariat General in Rome had clearly stated:

…It is indispensable that all the resources of the community be devoted to Fascist works of assistance, or cultural or propaganda works in the midst of the community itself.[6]

It is with this statement in mind that one could read the decision of the Ladies’ Committee of the Cavour Club in Melbourne to organise fund-raising activities for the Red Cross to support the Regime in Abyssinia. [7] This support occurred in a period when the Australian Government had prohibited any organisation, other than the Italian Red Cross to fundraise for the Abyssinian War and international opinion was turning against Mussolini. It could be argued that the Ladies’ Committee of the Cavour Club offered a face of ‘respectability’ and legality to a wide range of Italians and Australians who wanted to support Italy’s colonial aspirations or perhaps just wanted to provide funds for soldiers and their families but who would not have associated directly with the Women’s Fascio itself. As such, the involvement of members of the women’s fascio in community organisations at times provided avenues to rally support for the Fascist Regime.

In the ‘Summary Report on Italian Fascist Activities and Propaganda in Australia of 1936’ published by Cresciani in 1986, it was noted that the Fascio Femminile in Sydney:

This shared a similar structure to the Fasci Femminili in Italy. It was largely run by middle and upper class, married and Catholic heterosexual women who conducted ‘social’ work. In Italy, according to Willson, members of the Fasci Femminili:

generally constituted a more educated section of the overall population and were more aware of Fascist ideologies than others.[9]

In Sydney, the Fascio Femminile were mostly run by Catholic women, owners of small businesses, professionals and landowners who were also married to professional, business and merchant men. For example, Maria Cesare was the wife of a doctor and prominent official in the party[10]; Giuseppina Verdi owned and worked in a small business (fruit shop) and became a member of the Fascio against her husband’s approval[11]; Marta Di Rosa was a trained Italian teacher whose husband was well linked to the PNF[12]; Lina Cipolla became a land owner and was married to a business man.[13]. The “class connection” was especially noted by the Australian authority who argued that the Fascio Femminile of Sydney were run by women, who were the wives of prominent Italians of the professional and merchant classes.[14] .

The Fasci Femminili in Sydney and in Italy carried out both ‘social and benevolent’ work for disadvantaged women and their families. Existing historical archival narratives re-affirms that members of the group conducted social and benevolent work. For example, the leader of the Sydney’s group testified during the war the ‘social’ nature of her duties:

As I was lone handed for many years carrying out the benevolent work, I had asked a few ladies to assist me to visit hospitals, prisons, asylums, and families in distress.[15]

For many years I have been interested in benevolent and Social Work amongst Australians and the Italian Communities. I have given valuable assistance to Hospitals and Prisons Authorities, I have translated for the doctors, superintendents sisters and patients. I have organised functions to raise money in order to assist the destitute in Australia and Italian cases…I have alleviated unfortunate and distressing cases only when they seek my assistance, which is hard to refuse as some of the humble Italians are so helpless, when in trouble they have appealed to me for food, clothing and money to provide medicine for their sick children…I am a true conscientious Christian woman.[16]

In December 1939 the Sydney women’s branch also set up a ‘Maternity and Infant and Welfare section’ ; which although it never fully developed because of the war, indicates that the group was committed to expand its so-called ‘social’ programme.[17] In Italy, national fascist organisations such as ONMI (National Organisation for Maternity and Child Welfare) were run by middle and upper class members of the Fasci Femminili to modernize maternity practices and to prevent infant mortality by improving the health of pregnant and nursing mothers.[18]

While this might be seen as the social-philanthropic activities typical of middle class women of the thirties, the social programmes run by the Fasci Femminili re-affirmed the fascist ethos amongst classes of women who depended on their social and benevolent work. In Italy, organisations such as ONMI, offered support to ‘lower classes’ of women on the condition that these respected Fascist doctrines and policies. Chiara Saraceno’s lengthy research on ONMI, suggests that:

Women and children without adequate resources were entitled to assistance. This circumstance was ascertained not to form some sort of certificate (for instance the certificate of poverty), but was decided at the discretion of the lady visitors…In practice many working and working class mothers and women of the lowest middle class, as well as single mothers…[were] exposed…to arbitrary assessment by women, who with no specific qualifications apart from being selected by the provincial committees on the basis of their own morality, support for fascism and their ‘predisposition for mother-and-children’, were entitled to go into their house and judge their needs and their favorable attitudes to ONMI’s role. The lady visitors themselves,…were chosen not only among fascio members, but among upper and middle class women fascio members. This meant that women in the poorest strata wishing to benefi from ONMI services, or who came under its control, were subject to twofold scrutiny by other women:..on a class and a party basis.[19]

This form of class and political control was also visible in some of the so-called ‘benevolent work’ conducted by members of the Fascio Femminile in Sydney. In 1939, the Secretariat-General of the Fasci Abroad had clarified that:

It was necessary for the woman to feel and understand Fascism not only as a political conception and an animating power that brings the fatherland towards its higher destiny, but also as an ethical concession of life to which it is necessary to conform in the family and out, the proper manner to feel, to think, to act.[20]

Women were asked to ensure that Fascist ‘ethos’ cultivated in the realms of the heterosexual family unit as part of the fascist process of ‘moralisation’. This demanded the return of women to fulfill traditional roles and became reinforced through religious Catholic discourses on social morality, the family, femininity and reproduction. In Italy, these discourses, as Caldwell has stated “negated the existence of female sexuality, reduced notions of femininity to constant reproduction and enhanced the sacredness of the family”.[21] In Australia, a member of the Fascio explained that in her benevolent work “she prevented many unhappy marriages going to the Divorce Court and that she had ‘tactfully’ enlightened them to perfect understanding”.[22] However, when ‘her’ tactfulness had not worked, she refused to provide support to the needy:

...there was a lady…she is an Australian born, but she was married to an Italian; she came to me and wanted my assistance, she wanted benevolent parcels…; when I investigated I found she was leading an immoral life and living with another Italian, I told her she could not be assisted and I tried to advise her to return to her husband, because there was a child. [23](

Thus, the Fascio Femminile in Australia, as part of an international fascist agenda for women, conducted social and benevolent work which re-asserted fascist morals and ethos, amongst economically disadvantaged women.

The current representation of members of the Fasci Femminili as ‘social workers’ conducting benevolent work denies the processes of contestation associated with the development of these functions. In Italy since the 1920s the Fasci Femminile, underwent major turmoil as it was argued that their role as political activists had to be replaced by a ‘social’ agenda, that was seen as more appropriate for women.[24] Chiara Saraceno has argued that:

The fascist activist woman, the female squadrista of the early days, never constituted a role model for the regime. Indeed she could be regarded as a troublesome, embarrassing presence, to be kept under control precisely because of the message of deviance from a feminine normality of homemaking, obedience, fertility and seclusion.[25]

De Grazia’s text especially, tell the history of fascist women who in the early twenties were pushed out of the party’s leadership because of their antagonism to the new ‘conservative anti-feminist agenda’. Maria De Grazia explains that some of the more determined and experienced pro-fascist women were marginalised from the party. For example, Marja Rizzoli, who had subsidized Rassegna Femminile Italiana, was forced to resign as chief inspectress and within few years her publication was defunded and replaced by the Giornale Della Donna.. After 1925, organised women would never again be regarded as serious interlocutors of fascist politics.[26]

Narratives from existing archival material on Italo-Australian women involved in the Fasci Femminili and existing texts, represent these members as being removed from any ‘internal’ struggle on the roles of women during this early period. This ‘silence’ is connected to the historical processes of investigation by military bodies during War World two and by fascist women who tried to escape internment by limiting information on their involvement in the branches of the PNF. Also, the authoritarian and masculinist structures of the PNF have erased these counter- histories from their records. What I mean is that official documents and national records related to the Fasci in Australia have rendered invisible any histories that dissented from notions of ‘national fascist unity’. It is therefore fundamental to question current historical narratives that that re-affirm hegemonic interests by precluding notions of women’s counter-histories.[27]

In Sydney, the Fascio Femminile took up projects that re-affirmed their commitment to the Italian Fascist State through a wide range of ‘social’, ‘cultural’ and ‘educative’ programmes. The celebration and support for Fascist national Italian tradition, through the appreciation of the Italian language and restricted notions of culture and tradition, re-affirmed women’s role in the fascist ‘nationalization’ aimed at creating a ‘sense of belonging to a race and to a nation.’[28] These nationalistic activities attempted to reach a broader audience, from both well established and less established social classes of Italo-Australians.[29] In Sydney, the Fascio Femminile collected “gold” and “wedding rings” for the Fatherland; it organised celebrations to commemorate the “March to Rome”; the invasion of Ethiopia and other celebrations of significance to the Fascist Regime. In 1936, as part of the commemoration of the victory of the Italian Armies in Africa, the Fascio Femminile with the rest of the PNF raised 7,000 pounds to purchase land and erect a building to be known as the “Casa D’Italia” (Home of Italy).[30] In 1938 and 1939, the Fascio Femminile also ran cultural and historical programmes on Italian authors, historical and religious heroes and heroines respected by Italian Fascists, such as Giosue’ Carducci. The following is an example of a cultural programme run by the Sydney’s women’s Fascio:

Tuesday 17^th October, 8 p.m. ‘Country Goddess, Holy Mother’ lecture on Giosue’ Carducci of the series of the cultural lectures of the National Society…

I also call the comrades attention to the date 28^th October anniversary of the year of the Fascist …organised under the direction of the Women’s Fascio…the proceeds of the function besides going to the funds of the subsidiary activities of this Fascio will also go to help Italian and Australian Red Cross…

Saturday 16-7.30 Masked Ball of the Children Organised by Mesdames Lucia Campese, Elisa Rainelli, Annita Minucci, Carla Bianchi, and Vittoria De Angeli

Saturday 13 January 8.pm Grand Dance Evening by Comrades (female) Lina Cipolla, Elisa Rainelli, Lucia Campese, Maria Cesare, Anna Liberale,

Tuesday 16 January 8p.m. First Conference of the Cicle “Heroism of the Italian Women throughout History” given by Comrade Elisa Rainelli.

The nature of these activities created the acceptance of an Italian fascist culture that prior to the thirties was ‘unknown’ to many Italo-Australian immigrants. The continuous, varied and nationalist activities rendered Italian Fascism a social norm in the Italo-Australian community.

Furthermore, women from the Fascio operated as educators of the new generations to enhance their knowledge of Italian culture and language. Documents, retrieved from the Western Australian Investigation Branch report that in 1938 and 1939 the Secretariat-General of the Fasci Abroad had forwarded a circular to the Vice-Consuls that:

stressed the necessity to cultivate the national feeling and the teaching of the Italian language to boys and girls, as this was the principal and absolute link that tied the “sons abroad with the fatherland”. [32]

Members of the Women’s Fascio in Sydney ran an Italian school on Saturday afternoons, at St Mary’s School Hall, in Cathedral St. In 1938 there were 59 scholars most of whom are described by Australian Intelligence as being “from economically disadvantaged backgrounds”.[33] These children were encouraged to learn the Italian language and the aim was “to arouse in the hearts of the children …an increased love for Fascist Italy”.[34] In 1936, the opening of the school was advertised in the Italian press as “Scuola del Fascio” (School of the Fascio) [35] ; this represented a symbolic act or an attempt to re-affirm support for fascism in the Italian community in a period of Italian colonial expansion. The school was devoted to Italian reading, writing, singing, collective physical exercises and children were often publicly rewarded for their achievements. [36]

This Fascio Femminile was also involved in the work of the Gioventu Italiana Del Littorio all’Estero, (GILE and Italian Youth Movement of the Littorio Abroad). It is unclear if the Italian school was part of this programme, what is more clear however, is that most children of the G.I.L.E in Sydney were recruited from the this school and that by 1938 its total membership (of boys and girls) reached 104.[37] In 1939, Giuseppina Verdi, a long-standing member of the Fascio Femminile (since 1933) became the Inspectress of the movement. Giuseppina was to work with different groups of girls:

Structurally, the GILE was devoted to train and prepare girls and boys to become good fascist devoted to the fascist state. Amongst various activities, Italo-Australian girls attended various excursions and were taught “rhytmical’ exercises which would be performed at various fascist functions and parades dedicated to the regime.[39] In the states of Western Australia and South Australia, the GILE also organised trips to Italy in order to expose children to the Fascist life of Italy. It is unclear however, if the Sydney branch was involved in this programme.

In the late 1930s and at the eve of War World two, Italian Fascism attempted to nationalise and unify Italian people through discourses of race. The fascist regime’s need to increase its military power through healthier and bigger armies, its desire to create an Italian colony in Ethiopia and lastly, the beginning of the persecution of the Jews placed stronger focus on the preservation of the pure ‘Italian race’.[40] In Italy, this agenda was partly reinforced through a demographic national campaign which promoted a high level of reproduction. The fascist regime used restrictive legislation and women’s organisations (such as the Fascio Femminile and ONMI) to encourage the reproduction of the ‘Italian race’.[41] In Sydney, the effects of racialised discourses on the Fascio Femminile resulted in the call to concentrate women’s efforts on Italians.[42] Since the late 1938, under the new leadership of the Consul Mammalella and the Secretary of the Fascio Fanelli, the Fascio Femminile was directed to expand the fascist ethos of their activities and to collaborate mainly with the wives and mothers of the Italian comrades. Doctor Fanelli, wrote to the Consular General in 1939:

The Female Fascio must be developed still more...There should be members of it in the first place the wives and mothers of the comrades, members of the fascio, as we need collaboration to heal moral and material unhappiness however diffused and little known. I intend that this most humane work of assistance in perfect and orthodox fascist style should be better developed in extent and depth. It is the best propaganda that can be accomplished among our fellow countrymen and the genuine interpretation of the Duce. [43]

So, whilst in previous years the work of Fascio Femminile and at times its membership had been open to women from various ethnicities, now they were directed to restrict those that they targeted.

But not all women agreed with the demands of the leadership. The Directress began to have stronger reservations about the directions taken by the leadership. In 1939, during what was probably the last Littorio Ball organised by the Women’s Fascio, the Consul General and the Directress disagreed over the “ethnicity” of the debutantes at the ball:

He wanted all Italian girls or girls of Italian descent…I thought it was wise to have Australians as well. He refused [to receive them].[44]

It is important to state that the leader of the Fascio Femminile as well as other few members, were born in Australia (from Italian parents) and were well connected with members of the Anglo-Australian and British community. For example, the Inspectresses’ daughter was married to a British major and had many Australian born friends who testified in her defense during Court appearances during the War.[45] Many of the dances organised by the Fascio Femminile were well attended and supported by other ethnic groups and, attempts to limit their involvement meant the effective reduction of popular support and overall cuts in funds raised for the party. Thus, the leader of the Women’s branch indicated her concern over the ‘racialised’ discourses of this period and the effects that this would have had on the work conducted by her branch. It is interesting to note, that despite this disagreement the Directress was later nominated by the Consul to become the National Directress of all Fasci Femminili in Australia.[46]

In Australia, the ’public’ activities of the Fasci Femminili stopped during the War. At least five of the women enrolled in the Women’s Fascio were interned at the Tatura Camp in Victoria. These were accused of running subversive activities that would have prejudiced the successful defence of Australia against the enemy.[47]. Their internment was supported by the Military Forces and the NSW Investigation Branch, who explained that:

Active membership of the Fascio Luigi Platania is considered to be sufficient reason to justify internment…in this regard it is pointed out that the wholesale internment of Italian women will not be obtained, because of the 260 known members of the fascio in this Command, only 34 are females. Of these females it is proposed to submit for internment only those who are considered to be dangerous from a National Security point of view- those whose husbands were active members of the fascio, and those who had close association with the political activities of that organisation.[48]

Ministerial authorities, however, whose approval was necessary before the internment of any women, declared that enemy women would be interned only when it was considered ‘essential’. In May, 1941, whilst considering the internment of a member of the Fascio Femminile in Sydney, it was reported that:

the Government is concerned over the internment of women because these could prejudice the position of Australian women in enemy territory or any negotiations concerning them which External Affairs might conceivably carrying on through the Foreign Office.[49]

The final Ministerial position was that membership to the Fascio in itself was not an appropriate reason to intern women and it requested of the Military authorities that strong evidence be shown to exist of the subversive or dangerous activities that women themselves could carry out.[50]

But how did interned fascist women negotiated relations of power during War World Two? In their appeals against their internment, (it seems to me that) some women came to occupy temporary positions of ‘authority’ which challenged the authoritarian military discourses that were attempting to prove the political and subversive nature of their work in the Fascio. These women argued that women’s activities in the fascio were ‘social’ and therefore ‘not subversive or political’. For example, a member of the Fascio Femminile who was interned, during her appeal stated to the Advisory Board:

My interest has been humanitarian and social and if I had thought there was any propaganda attached to the Fascio Femminile I would not have remained in it.[51](

In the Copy of the Deputy Crown Solicitor’s Memorandum of June 1941, the summary of the cross-examination of another member of the Fascio Femminile who was appealing against her internment also stated that:

She insisted that she was loyal to the British Empire, and she stated that she had never engaged in any subversive activities, or attempted directly or indirectly to spread Fascist propaganda. She stated that she had not known of the political character of the bodies to which she belonged and she denied that she had known the significance of the black shirt uniform, which she admitted having worn.[52]

Ironically, through the usage of Fascist discourses on the social role of women’s organisations, some of these women accessed positions of ‘authority’ which broke down the binary logic used by the military authorities that represented them as either political or nor-political, subversive or not subversive. But despite being positioned in resistance to this binary logic none of these women were released after their first appeal to the Advisory Boards. These found incomprehensible that anyone who was a member of a political organisation could describe their activities as “social” activities.

In summary, the Fascio Femminile of Sydney was affected by transnational and local gendered, class-based and racialised discourses of Italian Fascism. These women, were not simply symbolic bearers of an Italian fascist identity which transmitted fascist values. Their activities attempted to create and normalize an Italian Fascist culture in the Italian community and overall in Sydney, amongst both disadvantaged and more affluent classes of Italians and other ethnicities, women and their families. These women, however also opposed some of the strategies adopted by the PNF. During the war, their internment was affected by national and international security issues such as ‘the position of Australian women in Italy’. As a defense for their involvement in the Fasci Femminili, these used the fascist ethos on women’s work in the party to dispute whether their activities were ‘political’.

[1] Australian Archives (NSW): Military Intelligence- Eastern Command, C320, SFA 15, Report on Fascism in Italy and Australia, 1939-1941

[2] Australian Archives (Vic): Military Intelligence- Northern Command, MP508/1, 255/702/1346, Activities of Women in Italian Community, 1941, p.1

[3]National Archives (NSW ): op.cit., Report on Fascism, p.14. Translated by the Military Intelligence.

The withdrawal of the Tessera here means ‘the withdrawal of the membership card to the Fascio’.

[4] See Cresciani, Gianfranco. Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Italians in Australia:1922-1945, ANU Press, Canberra, 1980; Mezzini, Tonia Maria. Migration, Identity and Community Building: Fourteen Molfettese Women Speak, Honours Thesis, History and Politics Depts., Adelaide University, November, 1992;

Australian Archives (VIC): op.cit., Activities of Women in Italian Community, p.2.

Australian Archives (SA): Investigation Branch of South Australia, AP501/2 439243, Fascio Femministe Di Adelaide, 1926-1945.

[5] It is important to note that there were also women’s branches operating at Babinda (in Western Australia). It is known that various attempts had been made to establish Italian schools at Babinda and by rules no schools could be established without the support of a Women’s Fascio. Yet, in the existing literature, various references are made to the possibility of establishing a Women’s Section of the Fascio at Ingham and Brisbane (I am still researching their existence)

[6]National Archives (Vic): Military Intelligence- Northern Command, MP508/1, 255/702/13461, Internment of Women- Fascio, pp.2-3

[7] see Martinuzzi O’Brien, Ilma.Australia’s Italians, Italian Historical Society, Melbourne, 1989 pp.83-85

[8] Cresciani, Gianfranco. Emigranti o Compari, Knockmore Enterprises, Sydney, 1988. p.185

[9]Willson, Perry ‘Women in Fascist Italy’ in Bessel, Richard (ed), Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Cambridge Univ. Press, New York. pp.83/4

[10] National Archives (ACT): MPI Section-Police Headquarters, Sydney, A367/1, C69276, Dossier 5383, 1940.

[11] National Archives (ACT): Victorian Advisory Committee Report, A367/1, C69238, 1942.

[12] National Archives (ACT): Advisory Committee, A 367/1 C69264, Objection no.63 of July 1942.

[13] National Archives (Vic): Report of the Advisory Committee, MP 508/1, 255/742/321, Objection no.53 of 1941.

[14] see Cresciani, op.cit., p.185;

[15] National Archives (Vic):Objection Against Internment, MP 508/1, 255/742/183, Letter to Minister for the Army, 1940, p.5

[16] National Archives (Vic): Objection Against Internment, MP 508/1, 255/742/183, Letter to Ministers for the Navy and Attorney General, 1941, p.3-4

[17] National Archives (NSW): op.cit., Report on Fascism in Italy and Australia, p.25

[18] De Grazia, Victoria. How fascism Ruled Italy 1922-1945, University of California Press, Los Angeles, 1992, p.59

[19] Saraceno, Chiara. Redefining Maternity and Paternity: Gender, Pronatalism and Social Policies in Fascist Italy, in Bock Gisela and Thane Pat Maternity and Gender policies, Routledge, 1991, p 206-207

[20] National Archives (Vic): op.cit., Activities of Women in Italian Community, p.1

[21] See Caldwell, op.cit., p. 52

[22] National Archives (Vic): op.cit., Letter to Minister for the Army, p.6

[23] National Archives (Act): Advisory Committee no.1, A367/1, C18000/445, Objection no.53 of 1941, p.7

[24] see Saraceno,op.cit.; De Grazia, op.cit.; Pickering-Iazzi, Robin (ed) Mothers of Invention, University of Minnesota Press, London, 1995; Messina, Nunzia. Le Donne Del Fascismo, Ellemme, Rome, 1987; Willson, R. Perry ‘Women in Fascist Italy’ in Bessel Richard (ed) Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Press Syndicate of Cambridge, New York, 1996.

[27] See Kumar, Priya ‘Testimonies of Loss and Memory’ in Interventions, v.1 no.2, 1999.pp.201-215

[28] see Spackman, Barbara ‘Fascist Women and the rhetoric of Virility’ in Mothers of Invention, Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1995.

[29] Although it is known that some German immigrants British and other European immigrants attended their functions, it is unknown if Fascist doctrines were directed at them.

[30] National Archives (Vic): op.cit., Letter to the minister of the Army, 1940, p.4

[31] National Archives (NSW): Security Service NSW, ST2476/20 Item15, Italian Fascio Abroad, 1939.

[32] National Archives (Vic): op.cit., Activities of Women in Italian Community, p.1

[33] National Archives (NSW): Security Service NSW, ST2476/20 Item 5, Italian General File, 1938-1939, p.10

[35]. National Archives (NSW): op.cit., Italian General File, p.10

[36] At this stage, I am still researching what texts the children in Sydney read and especially how was the curriculum developed.

[37] National Archives (NSW): op.cit., Italian General File, p.10

[38] National Archives (Vic): op.cit., Activities of Women in Italian Community.

[39] see National Archives (SA): Investigation Files, D1919/0, SS 378, Bollettino Della Gioventu Italiana del Littorio all’Estero, 1938.

[40] see Whittam, John. Fascist Italy, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1995.pp.87 and 97; Re, Lucia ‘Fascist Theories of Woman and the Construction of Gender’, in Pickering-Iazzi Robin (ed). Mothers of Invention, University of Minnesota Press, London, 1995. pp. 76-99.

[41] see Passerini, Luisa. Fascism in Popular Memory, Cambridge University Press, 1987; op.cit., Saraceno.

[42] It is important to note that the establishment of ???the could be associated with the call to reproduce soldiers at the eve of War World 2, at this stage however there are no clear evidence on this.

[43]Australian Archives (NSW ): op.cit., Report on Fascism in Italy and Australia, p.1

[44] Australian Archives (Vic): Advisory Board, MP 508/1, 255/742/183, Objection no.31, 1940 p.71.

[46] Australian National Archives (NSW): op.cit., Italian General File, p.9

[47] see Cresciani, ‘The bogey of the Italin Fifth Column’ in Richard Bosworth and Romano Ugolini (eds)War Internment and Mass Migration , Gruppo Editoriale Internazionale, Roma, 1992. p.16

[48] Australian National Archives (Vic): Australian Military Forces- Eastern Command, MP508/1, 255/740/184, Memorandum, 1941.

[49] Australian National Archives (Vic): Dept. of the Army- Secretary, MP508/1, 255/740/184, Minute Paper, 1941

[50] Australian National Archives (Vic): Ibid.

[51] National Archives (Vic): op.cit., Objection no.53

[52] National Archives (ACT): Report of the Advisory Committee, A367/1, C69264, Memorandum, 1941.