Immigration and Transnational Care-Giving

Reprinted with permission  -  “Immigration and Transnational Care-Giving: Public Policies and their Impact on Migrants' Ability to Care from a Distance” in M. Collis, L. Munro & S. Russell (1999) (eds) Challenges For a New Millennium. TASA conference proceedings. Melbourne. Pp465-474

Loretta Baldassar, Cora V. Baldock, Cheryl Lange

Introduction

The aim of this paper is to draw attention to a range of issues facing transnational migrants in Australia who feel an obligation to care for family members, especially parents, living outside Australia. We explore, in particular, the institutional constraints imposed by governments, employers and other agencies that affect the ability of transnational migrants to care for their distant parents.
Our previous research has shown that transnational migrants in Australia are involved in extensive practices of care for their family members overseas. Baldassar (1997, 1998) conducted her research - a longitudinal, in-depth ethnography - amongst working class migrants who had moved to Perth Western Australia from a small town in Italy. Baldock's study (1999, forthcoming 2000) was an interview-based pilot project amongst professional migrants who had moved mainly from English speaking countries to work in a Perth university. Our joint conclusion (Baldassar & Baldock 1999) from these studies was that transnational migrants, who are geographically at great distance from their ageing parents, make a very important contribution to the care of these parents. They do so, we found, through regular contacts by mail or phone, through financial support, and - especially - through return visits. Our analysis of both government policy and family care-giving literature revealed that such transnational practices of care have remained invisible. In fact, many studies appear to deny the possibility of such long distance care because they assume that inter-generational family exchange cannot easily occur unless adult children and parents live in close proximity (Aldous & Klein 1991; Lin & Rogerson 1995; Rossi & Rossi 1990). 
Having conducted research with relatively small samples from a small range of migrant groups, we decided to follow up with a larger project allowing comparison between migrant groups from socially and culturally diverse backgrounds. The study reported here is an aspect of the larger project.

Methodology

In June 1999 we conducted a series of four group interviews with people representing ten organisations in the field of ethnic welfare service provision, and from nine specific ethnic communities of migrants and refugees, Chinese, Hong Kong Chinese, Vietnamese, Italian, Croatian, Bosnian, Dutch, British and Irish. A total of 23 people took part in groups ranging from 4 to 8 participants. They received a list of questions and discussion points before the meeting, and were invited to respond to these questions on the basis of their own experience and that of their clients.
The central questions addressed during each group interview were how migrants cope with the need to care from a distance, and the extent to which there are any public policies that constrain or support migrants in this need. Some of the specific issues raised concerned financial support for return visits, the costs of telephone contact, and visa or passport restrictions. Each session took approximately 2 hours, and was recorded.

Findings

Care-giving through financial support
The issue that dominated interviews and which had relevance to every ethnic group represented except the Dutch and British was the extreme financial burden migrants carried because of their strongly-felt moral obligation to provide substantial financial support to their parents back home. This moral obligation started as soon as migrants arrived in Australia, and stayed with them regardless of their own financial situation, even if they were unemployed. Financial support would take the form of regular, ongoing remittances, and/or one-off payments to deal with crisis situations. As parents aged and required care, migrants would send monies to contribute to the cost of nursing care. In the case of Italian migrants, this could even involve foregoing their share of their inheritance, and passing this share on to relatives in the home country, who provided the major care-giving. The financial support in these instances could be seen as in lieu of the hands-on care migrants were unable to provide. For some, financial care extended beyond the immediate family to include other relatives. 
Several participants said that family members overseas saw Australia as the land “of milk and honey”, and this meant that they expected such financial support, putting moral pressure on migrants to ensure their compliance with this moral code. Non-compliance could mean “loss of face” in the eyes of the local ethnic community, as such matters became part of community gossip. This moral obligation to care was compounded for those who had come to Australia under the Refugee or Humanitarian Program. Many of these refugees were said to suffer from “survivor guilt”. This made them even more determined to send monies home, even if it could be a complicated and dangerous business to send money to people who live in countries which are at war, or in which the infrastructure has been destroyed. For instance, one participant mentioned that in some Eastern European countries parents who were identified as receiving money from a Western country had become targets of blackmail or could become kidnap victims. Sending international drafts and other usual forms of transmitting money to such countries could not be relied on. Group participants indicated that in those circumstances people in Australia had to arrange for trusted others to carry money to their parents. This system had a number of inherent risks: those supplying the money ran the risk of the money not being delivered, and the courier's life could be endangered if he/she was identified as carrying a large sum of money. 
There was general agreement that the need to send large sums of money overseas on a regular basis was possibly the most significant contributor to stress and conflict in marriages. For example, wives might insist that such payments be made to their parents, whilst husbands did not see the need, and vice versa. Also, children sometimes resented the outflow of monies because this meant they had to go without - another source of stress between members of the migrant family. 

CARE-GIVING BY TELEPHONE

Another significant issue discussed in all group interviews was that of the high cost of keeping in regular contact with distant parents by telephone. Often, telephoning was the only reliable and immediate means of contact, and many migrants telephoned their parents weekly or even daily. The use of the telephone was mentioned as being particularly important in times of acute sickness. The extensive use of telephone contact led to very high bills. Participants commented in this context on the significant discrepancies in the costs of telephone calls between Australia and European or North American countries, compared with countries in the Middle East and South East Asia. The latter generally did not have the concession rates that were available for the former countries. 
An interesting aspect of telephone use was the observation by Vietnamese participants that Vietnamese migrants had a special loyalty to Telstra, because they saw this as a genuine Australian company. This meant that at the time of the Optus/Telstra referendum Vietnamese voted for Telstra, even though this may have led to higher telephone bills. Participants said that there was some ill feeling now that they were not being rewarded for their loyalty. They thought that the size of the Vietnamese-born population in Australia made it potentially a very strong lobby group on this particular issue, and that some action was called for.

RETURN VISITS

Beyond financial remittances and telephone contact, the most significant aspect of transnational care-giving was the return visit back home. Many participants recalled how every one or two years their annual holidays were spent visiting their parents. Such visits were by no means “holidays”; they were frequently used to give the Australian-based kin an opportunity to care at close quarters. Often their visit provided respite for other carers in the home country; this meant of course that the migrant returning home did have little holiday. When parents in the home country were suffering a prolonged illness, visits home were sometimes for up to six months duration. A difficulty many of the participants mentioned was that of the need to make multiple visits to the homeland, often in quick succession. In the case of very sick parents or bereavement, it was sometimes necessary to fly home again almost immediately upon return to Australia. 
Such frequent and sudden return visits were clearly costly affairs. Emergency trips are usually much more costly than those planned in advance, as travellers cannot take advantage of discounted fares. There was generally no financial assistance available for migrants having to return home in emergency situations. In the case of the Irish, the newly formed Irish Information and Support Service provided interest-free loans, and help with travel arrangements. Return visits, however, had other significant implications, beyond those of cost. In some instances such visits had an adverse effect on migrants' paid work setting; in other instances considerable problems occurred due to restrictive visa and passport regulations. To arrange for the care of their children when migrants were suddenly called back to their homeland was another problem. In regard to migrants' work situation, some participants said that they had been able to use long service leave to travel back home for emergency visits. In the public sector bereavement leave in the case of death was possible. However, bereavement leave is very short and often does not cover the time needed to make such lengthy overseas journeys. Those working in private enterprise had even less flexibility and long stays caring for aged parents overseas had resulted in some carers losing their jobs. 
As to visas and passport regulations, participants mentioned that migrants who had been in Australia less that two years could experience a delay in their eligibility for Australian citizenship if they travelled overseas. Those who had permanent residency and not citizenship could have their status compromised if they remained overseas too long. Sometimes there was insufficient time to arrange for a visa. Vietnamese participants mentioned that Vietnamese migrants travelling on an Australian passport might be detained upon arrival in Vietnam if they lacked the appropriate visa.  

FAMILY REUNION

An alternative form of caring for aged parents is to bring them to Australia. This issue was also the subject of considerable discussion in the group interviews. All participants agreed that this form of family reunion, whether for long or short-term stays, was fraught with difficulties. They drew attention to the fact that according to current regulations the majority of siblings have to be resident in Australia to qualify as sponsors of their parent(s). Some parents have little chance of entering Australia at all because they come from countries whose residents are considered by Australian immigration authorities to be at risk of overstaying if they are admitted to Australia. Therefore, nationals from those countries are not even granted visitors' visas. If parents do come to Australia, once again, migrants are confronted with a myriad of difficulties and expenses. In fact it seemed to all participants that in this period of Australia's immigration history, family reunion which involved bringing aged parents to Australia was a prerogative of the wealthy as considerable amounts of money were needed to pay the required bond and insurance. Aged parents who came as visitors, either long or short term, were usually only eligible for medical insurance for a short time, and not eligible for other forms of social welfare assistance. Their children, therefore, had to be prepared to cover any medical or living costs associated with their parents' visit to Australia. 
Another facet of family reunion discussed was the difficulty some aged parents had in adapting to life in Australia. This was particularly the case if the elderly parents did not know the language and all family members were either at work or at school during the day. Moreover, some parents experienced great isolation away from their friends, other members of their extended family and their own culture and familiar lifestyle. In a number of cases participants spoke of their parents' desire to return to their country of origin to die there. Some of these parents had been in Australia long enough to qualify for the Australian pension, and were then able to return to their homeland supported by that pension. When that was not the case, families in Australia were under a moral obligation to support their parents financially once they had returned to their homeland.
Participants suggested that information packages for prospective migrants ought to mention such issues. Also, counselling sessions with migrants, once they had arrived in Australia, ought to pay attention to the emotional and financial stress all migrants will experience because of their sense of moral obligation to care for their parents back home. 

OPPORTUNITIES TO CARE AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY

Our findings suggest that there are barriers as well as opportunity structures in transnational care-giving at several levels. At the micro-level of interpersonal and immediate family relations, migrants’ close emotional attachments and strongly-felt moral obligations to their distant parents lead to deep anguish, a sense of loss and feelings of guilt, which in turn may bring marital tensions and conflict with children. At the medium level, the broader community to which migrants belong may provide strong emotional and financial support, but may also create pressure due to cultural constructions of honour and shame. At the macro-level, migrants’ ability to care is affected by government migration policies that hinder free access to parents in a number of ways: visa regulations that restrict visits from “at risk” countries, restrictions to family reunion programs, and policies regarding bonds and other financial obligations which compel migrants to remain at a distance from their parents. Governments also lack proper support and counselling services relating to the emotional and financial problems associated with both distant care and family reunion. The ability to care for distant parents is further affected by paid work conditions such as the availability of annual leave and long service leave and the degree of understanding and cooperation of employers at times of emergencies back home.
All participants in the group interviews expressed strong emotions of love and attachment to their distant parents. However, it is important to stress that we found considerable differences in the capacity of transnational migrants to provide care. There are differences between ethnic communities as to their sense of moral obligation to support their parents financially, and there are differences in the constraints upon providing care, in particular between voluntary and humanitarian migrants. Such differences are compounded by cultural and socio-economic differences between parents, which means that some seek family reunion in Australia, whilst others wish to remain in their home country. The extent of welfare provision and nursing care facilities in the home country is also a factor; so are the Australian government’s potentially discriminatory policies forbidding entry to parents from certain countries deemed to be at risk of “overstaying”.
Two examples may illustrate this cluster of intersecting factors. Participants to the group interviews from the Netherlands, who arrived in Australia by choice, indicated that their parents had no desire to settle in Australia. Whilst expressing strong love and attachment to their parents, and a sense of loss, only overcome by frequent phone calls and visits, the Dutch participants did not have a sense of moral obligation to care financially for their parents. These parents live in a country with excellent welfare and nursing home facilities. The Netherlands is not an “at risk” country, so parents can freely visit whenever they like. Contrast this with the situation of Bosnian refugees, who cannot return to their country, and whose parents cannot visit freely because of government policy regarding “at risk” countries. Their parents live in a country with poor social welfare and nursing care facilities. At the same time, migrants in this ethnic group have a strong cultural obligation to care for their parents financially.

Discussion AND CONCLUSION

Theoretically our research is located within the field of recent migration studies (Appadurai 1991; Bottomley 1992; Basch et al 1994). Research conducted by scholars in this field has demonstrated that international migration is not an event that ends at settlement, but a life-long process of complex interactions between individuals and groups who often live far apart. In this context, research into long distance nationalism and diasporic identities (eg Ang, 1994) has shown that geographic distance and national borders are no impediment to a sense of belonging and identification with homeland, even for the subsequent generations who are born in the host country. For example, Thompson (1994) and Thomas (1999), in studies of Vietnamese immigrants to Australia, showed the extent to which the home in Australia is made to resemble the home in Vietnam, with furniture and ornaments as signifiers of Vietnamese identity. Baldassar (1999) has demonstrated the significance of expressing a sense of Italian identity for Australian-born Italo-Australian youth. Moreover, several studies have demonstrated the importance of maintaining family ties with the homeland (eg. Bottomley 1992, Baldassar 1997, Thomas 1999). 
It has been the aim of our research to apply this conceptual framework to an analysis of the care-giving relationships between adult children and their parents. Given the greying of most western societies, care-giving between adult children and their parents has become an important policy concern, and there is considerable empirical material on the issue. In Australia the Australian Institute of Family Studies has conducted major research on care-giving as part of a study on family exchange (eg. Batrouney & Stone 1998, Millward 1998, De Vaus & Qu 1998). As mentioned earlier, many of these studies have assumed a close connection between care-giving and geographic proximity. Batrouney & Stone (1998: 15), for example, argue that proximity is a precondition for frequent contact between kin, and that people from non-English speaking backgrounds living in Australia have “the lowest level of kin available, with many having no relatives from the parents’ immediate family of origin available at all”. However, our research and that of others in the tradition of new migration studies (eg Thomas 1999), has shown that immigrants have close contact with their family overseas, and take on responsibilities as secondary or primary care-givers for this family through financial support, frequent telephone contact and return visits. Our research indicates that communities of care and support exist over distance and that migrants may remain active members/participants of such communities of care. In fact, we suggest that it is possibly the care-giving for distant parents that most strongly maintains, fosters, and renews the connections between migrants and their homeland. 
The practical significance of our research lies in its application to Australian policy making. As this paper showed, the intricate and ongoing network of interrelations and care-giving between Australian migrants and their families abroad have a deep impact on their quality of life, both financially and emotionally. Public policies impose institutional constraints on the ability of transnational migrants to provide care. Recognition on the part of governments, employers and other agencies that migrants maintain close and important links with their distant families would help to overcome some of the constraints. Workers in the migration area, both overseas and in Australia should be well informed about the problems migrants experience due to their care-giving obligations for distant parents, so they can provide appropriate information and counselling. Similarly, experts who are called in to deal with personal and family problems of migrants should be alert to the emotional and financial stress caused by migrants’ obligation to care for their distant parents. Employers must respond to the needs of their migrant workers for bereavement and care-giving leave, and incorporate issues related to care-giving for distant parents in workshops for employees who are carers. Airlines and travel agencies should be able to make special provision for people who are travelling because of family crisis back home. The provision of loans for emergency travel (by migrant resource centres, banks, churches and/or ethnic community organisations) would be another service that would benefit transnational migrants in their care-giving role.
This study was based on a small number of respondents, but included a wide range of different countries. We intend further exploration of these issues to assess in more depth how members of different migrant communities experience their care-giving relations with distant parents.

REFERENCES

Aldous, J., Klein, D. M. (1991) ‘Sentiments and Services: Models of Intergenerational Relationships in Mid-Life’ Journal of Marriage and Family 53: 595-608.

Ang, I. (1994) ‘On not Speaking Chinese: Postmodern Ethnicity and the Politics of the Diaspora’ New Foundations 24:1-18.

Appadurai, A. (1991) ‘Global Ethnospaces: Notes and Queries for a Transnational Anthropology’ in R.G. Fox (ed.) Recapturing Anthropology Santa Fe, New Mexico: School of American Research Press: 191-210.

Baldassar, L. (1999) ‘Marias and Marriage –Ethnicity, Gender and Sexuality among Italo-Australian Youth in Perth’ Journal of Sociology 35, 1: 1-22.

Baldassar, L. (1998) 'The Return Visit as Pilgrimage: Secular Redemption and Cultural Renewal in the Migration Process’ in E. Richards and J.Templeton (eds) The Australian Immigrant in the Twentieth Century: Searching Neglected Sources Canberra: Division of Historical Studies and Centre for Immigration and Multicultural Studies, RSSS, ANU: 127-156.

Baldassar, L. (1997) ‘Home and Away: Migration, the Return Visit and “Transnational” Identity’ Communal Plural: Journal of Transnational & Crosscultural Studies: 5: 69-94.

Baldassar, L. & Baldock, C. (1999) ‘Linking Migration and Family Studies: Transnational Migrants and the Care of Ageing Parents’ in B.Agozino (ed.) Theoretical and Methodological Issues in Migration Research Ashgate, Aldershot, U.K.: 11-37.

Baldock, C. V. (2000 forthcoming) ‘Migrants and their Parents: Caregiving from a Distance’ Journal of Family Issues.

Baldock, C. V. (1999) ‘The Ache of Frequent Farewells’ in S. Feldman and M. Poole (eds) A Certain Age. Women Growing Older Sydney: Allen and Unwin: 182-92.

Basch, L., Glick Schiller, N., & Blanc-Szanton, C. (1994) Nations Unbound Pennsylvania: Gordon and Breach.

Batrouney, T. and Stone, W. (1998) ‘Cultural Diversity and Family Exchanges’ Family Matters 51, Spring/Summer: 13-20.

Bottomley, G. (1992) From Another Place: Migration and the Politics of Culture Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 

De Vaus, D. & Qu, L. (1998) ‘Intergenerational Transfers across the Life Course’ Family Matters 51, Winter: 27-30.

Lin, G and Rogerson, P. (1995) ‘Elderly Parents and the Geographic Availability of their Adult Children’, Research on Ageing 17: 303-31.

Millward, C. (1998) ‘Family Support and Exchange’ Family Matters 51, Winter: 19-23.

Rossi, A. S., Rossi, P. H. (1990) Of Human Bonding Parent Child Relations across the Life Course Aldine de Gruyter, N.Y.

Thomas, M. (1999) Dreams in the Shadow. Vietnamese-Australian Lives in Transition. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.

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